Beyond the Pact of Forgetting
Spain's Continued Struggle for Truth and Unity
I sat down at the dinner table after a long day of classes, my host mom across from me. I finally took the opportunity to ask a question I had been wondering for quite some time but had been too hesitant to ask: "What was life like living under Franco?"
Expecting a conversation with the woman I had grown so close with over such a short period, she instead brushed off the question, briefly remarking that it wasn't much different than it is now. I was confused. She had lived in Salamanca her whole life, grew up under Franco's dictatorship, and witnessed Spain become a democracy first-hand- yet didn't have much to say about it. This bothered me for a while, and often, I'd find myself walking through the Plaza Mayor, glancing at the blank medallion where Fransisco Franco's portrait used to reside.
I realized I did not know enough about the past and present of a nation I felt so deeply connected to. My mother's parents were born in Spain while Franco was in power and moved to America in the early 1970s. Ever curious about their life as a child, my curiosity was never quite satiated with the stories they would tell me. My time studying abroad in the university city of Salamanca, Spain reintroduced questions I always had as a child while studies of political science and international affairs heightened my interest eventually leading me to this capstone project.
Through my research, I have come to realize that the lack of information on the part of my host mother and grandparents does not come from a place of avoidance or discomfort but was instead attributed to an unfamiliarity with the topic. During Franco's rule and the decades following, silence engulfed the nation. People did not speak about the atrocities and losses that occurred in the 20th century, and the government turned a blind eye. The avoidance of history in Spain has a direct impact on the polarization the country faces today. This paper explores the far-reaching effects of Franco's regime, the complexities of Spain's transition to democracy, and the ongoing struggle to preserve historical memory and unity in a fractured society.
What is historical memory? Historical memory, sometimes cited as "national memory" or "collective memory," refers to how groups of people and nations construct and identify with particular narratives about historical periods or events (St. Lawrence University, 2024.) This concept explores how the social construction of memory influences the politics, identity, and culture of a people.
In taking on this project, I explored the question: What role does Franco’s rule and the subsequent transition to democracy play in the sociopolitical climate of present-day Spain?
I've since reached the conclusion that Franco’s legacy and the incomplete reckoning of national memory contribute to sociopolitical divisions in Spain today. Acknowledging and integrating this memory into societal discussion offers a potential path to healing and unity.
Spain Under Francisco Franco
Francisco Franco was a military dictator who rose to power in Spain in 1936 towards the end of the Spanish Civil War until he died in 1975. Scholars characterize his rule as a period of terror, corruption, fear, and censorship. He believed in a strong centralized state, rejected democracy, promoted Catholic values, and was staunchly opposed to socialism and communism. With the belief that Spain was one eternal nation based on Catholicism and Castilian culture, his regime actively persecuted those who stood in opposition. Following the end of the war, Franco and his soldiers kidnapped, tortured, imprisoned, and exiled around 50,000 known Republicans. In the wake of the destruction caused by the Civil War, many Spaniards struggled to sustain their livelihoods due to food insecurity and difficulty finding work. For this reason, resistance to the atrocities of the Franco regime was minimal (Preston 2020, 373).
Spanish Civil War (1936-1939)
The Spanish Civil War was a brutal conflict between the Republican government, supported by leftist, socialist, and anarchist factions, and the Nationalists, a right-wing coalition led by General Francisco Franco. The war erupted after years of political polarization and social unrest in Spain, caused by tensions between conservative and progressive forces over issues like land reform, secularism, and workers' rights. The Nationalists, with military and logistical aid from Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, sought to overthrow the democratically elected Republican government. Meanwhile, the Republicans received limited support from the Soviet Union and international volunteers. The war resulted in the Nationalist victory, the establishment of Franco's authoritarian regime, and the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives. Its aftermath was marked by widespread repression, exile, and a legacy of unresolved historical memory in Spain.
In the eyes of those in power, the state and people were as one, ignoring the ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity of its people (Dowling 2018, 5). Extensive measures to silence the “other” and “unify” the nation were taken during the regime. Franco’s efforts to centralize the Spanish state utilized both physical violence as well as economic and social measures. This period of severe violence and austerity lasted until the end of the Second World War and was a stage in which the regime worked to destroy social and political enemies (Dowling 2018, 3).
The violence was particularly focused on regions that had strong regional nationalist sentiments, the bulk directed at Catalonia. Situated on the Mediterranean coast and sharing a border with France, Catalonia is a region of Spain that has a long history of self-sovereignty. A distinct Catalan culture, language, and identity was built and deeply ingrained into the being of the people and the processes of the government. Franco’s repression campaign in Catalonia focused on removing any semblance of Catalan identity from every aspect of life, deeming the culture “anti-Spanish.” The Catalan language was banned from the public sphere and all official communication was forced to be in Castilian Spanish. Regional symbols were prohibited and public displays of Catalan customs were met with punishment. Franco forced the dissolution of Catalonia’s government in 1938 and regional leaders were persecuted. Intellectuals, artists, and professionals were also targeted and in 1939, legislation passed that required all civil servants to prove their innocence and demonstrate their loyalty to the regime. Those who didn’t adequately prove their innocence (unwavering loyalty to Franco) were banned from their professions, transferred elsewhere, or suspended without pay. Any public figures that advocated against this integration were arrested, exiled, or executed whilst Franco’s secret police monitored action in the area. The prohibition of all that marked Catalonia as culturally and politically distinct from the rest of the Spanish state, in particular, a public erasure of Catalan culture and language in the immediate post-war period is referred to as “state-led cultural homogenization." As many as 16 concentration camps are believed to have been in operation in Catalonia until 1942, detaining more than 350,000 political prisoners and average citizens (Mir 2008, 6). Overcrowding in these camps became a problem that was then “solved” by channeling the prisoners into a forced labor system, whose existence was hidden for many years (Mir 2008, 7). Franco's desire to portray Spain as a favorable nation with a successful government to post-war democratic leaders led to a decline in the persecution of social and political enemies by the end of WWII. From the late 1940s to Franco’s death, the Catalan language and customs slowly made their way back into practice under the watchful eye of the government. The strict, dictatorial policies faced at the beginning of the regime were not forgotten by the Catalonians and left a lingering sense of distrust for the government and a desire to hold on tightly to the culture that was once so easily taken from them.
Figure 4: General Franco giving a speech to residents of the captured city of Tarragona, Catalonia.
Figure 4: General Franco giving a speech to residents of the captured city of Tarragona, Catalonia.
The Franco regime utilized censorship and propaganda as a mechanism of reversing social progress that was made in the liberal years leading up to the regime. Citizens were indoctrinated through the education system and state-controlled media, and censorship was used to prevent resistance and dissent. Mediums like artwork, museums, movies, books, and magazines were prohibited from conveying messages that were critical of the regime, and under the Press Law of 1938, all publications required state approval before distribution. Media outlets such as newspapers, radio stations, and TV stations were taken over by the state and became tools for propaganda. When I asked my grandparents about their experience with this, they laughed and opted to tell me about the movie theatres. They shared that before every movie showing in every theatre across the country, El No-Do would play. The No-Do (officially titled Noticiario Español/Spanish News Broadcast) was a 10-minute obligatory screening of propaganda newsreels before films. The broadcast was one of many methods the state employed to legitimize Franco’s cause, spread biased information, and reach all demographics. It was interesting to discuss with my grandparents because, from an outside perspective, an authoritarian state-funded newsreel is an indication of a corrupt government. When I shared this thought with my grandma, she simply shrugged and swore it seemed normal at the time.
Another method of censorship employed was the restriction of foreign media. Books and films that promoted democratic or socialist ideals were banned and foreign journalists were monitored. Censorship, similar to the violence, was reduced as the decades progressed so that Franco could seem tolerant to international audiences, however, some aspects continued until the end of his regime, like El No-Do, and the effects of censorship can still be felt today in distrust of the government and government media companies.
Figure 5: Video extract of El NoDo 957A May 8, 1961. This video promotes a visit Franco made to Granada.
The Catholic Church was a major player in the Franco regime. It was often referenced concurrently with the Army and the Falange (the fascist political party.) The practice of any other religion was banned, and those who resisted were persecuted. My grandmother claims that “everything was controlled by the Church.” Catholicism was so heavily promoted that my grandmother spent 5 months in a convent to become a nu before she realized it was not something she wanted to do. Teenagers and young adults regularly did this and gave their freedom up to serve the Lord and the Church. In my host city of Salamanca, Spain, there were two or three active convents. I would see the nuns come and go at the beginning and end of every day, which was unfamiliar because as an American, I am not used to living in a society so connected to religion. Spanish culture remains deeply connected to Catholicism even today, a legacy influenced in part by Franco’s rule, which persisted long after many Western nations had separated church and state. My grandfather who served in the military (due to mandatory service) said that all personnel were required to go to church on Sunday. He shared with me a story about one of his friends, also in the military, who failed to go to a mass one Sunday. As a consequence, he was put in jail for a week for “misbehavior.” As shown, the Church and its clergy members had sufficient influence in politics and society. Catholicism was designated the official state religion. In turn, Franco’s state was given moral legitimacy, and state propaganda was repeated in churches and congregations (Scott 2022).
Figure 2: Francisco Franco, center, attends the second anniversary of the death of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the founder of the Spanish rightwing movement La Falange, in Burgos, Spain. Photograph: AP
Figure 2: Francisco Franco, center, attends the second anniversary of the death of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the founder of the Spanish rightwing movement La Falange, in Burgos, Spain. Photograph: AP
Figure 3: Propaganda poster made by the Nationalists, calling for the extermination of "leftists."
Figure 3: Propaganda poster made by the Nationalists, calling for the extermination of "leftists."
Lasting Effects of Francoism
Francoism has embedded itself in Spain’s political processes, cultural practices, and social spheres. One of these results is the tension surrounding historical memory. Historical memory in the Spanish context refers to the period of the Civil War and the Franco dictatorship, moreover, the silenced and forgotten memories of the victims of the Civil War (Hristova n.d.) By way of extreme nationalism, state centralization, and censorship, Spain’s history was rewritten to honor Franco’s rule and the Nationalist success in the Civil War. This created a disproportionate, controversial narrative about the Civil War and dictatorship. When asked about the Civil War, people of my grandparents' generation tend to minimize the destructive nature of the Nationalist side of the war. They do this because of the tactics employed by the Francoist state to legitimize its rule. When I asked my host mother about the Civil War, she made sure to emphasize that both sides committed many crimes and atrocities, my grandparents said similar. I find this important to note because although the Republicans fought for democracy and a liberal government, and the Nationalists had double the victims, older citizens who lived under Franco’s rule never failed to equate the actions of the two sides during the war. There is no doubt that the Republicans committed many atrocities, however, it is important to recognize that the nation had been indoctrinated into believing to a certain extent that the Nationalist actions were justified.
Those who grew up under Franco have a limited knowledge of his rule. The extent of their understanding was that Franco was head of state, and if you didn’t follow the rules, you would be punished. My grandmother does not know what side of the war her father fought on, my grandfather’s grandfather was kidnapped and he does not know what happened to him nor why he was taken. Speaking of the war was taboo, and consequently, speaking of Franco in a bad light was taboo. For this reason, historical memory is seriously skewed in that people’s stories, ancestry, memories, and opinions are erased from history. Efforts to reconcile this ill-informed history, such as Spain’s historical memory laws, tend to increase political polarization.
Another lasting ramification of the Francoist period is strained relations between the central government and regional governments such as Catalonia and the Basque Country (Ferrándiz 2022). The public in these regions tend to have a strong distrust for centralized government due to the centralist “One Spain” perspective that was forced upon them, and the suppression of their regional cultures (Salsench 2013).
In 1977, the Spanish government passed the Amnesty Law which freed all political prisoners of the regime and allowed exiles to return to the country. This law also excused those who committed crimes under Franco’s regime, establishing that they could not be investigated or prosecuted for those crimes. Accompanying amnesty, the Pact of Forgetting, known as the "Pacto del Olvido,” was enacted. This was the decision between both the left and right parties in Spain to avoid confronting Francoism after his death. This silence was initiated in an attempt to erase division and establish peace between all social and political groups in the name of ensuring a peaceful transition to democracy (Conroy 2021). Although enabling a peaceful transition, it also meant that the atrocities committed during the regime like mass executions, forced disappearances, and repression went unaddressed. The nation had a collective sense of denial and lack of understanding about the past owing to this pact. However, since the turn of the century, there has been an increasing demand for justice and accountability from the descendants of victims and left-wing activists.
Transition to Democracy
Opportunities and Challenges
Following the death of military dictator Francisco Franco in 1975, Spain underwent a transition to democracy initiated by King Juan Carlos I, Franco’s chosen successor. This came as much of a surprise to government officials and people of influence, as it was assumed by both Franco and the public that once in power, King Juan Carlos I would keep power and continue the authoritarian regime. The King however believed in democracy, and that bringing in a new democratic era was in the best interests of Spain and the Spanish people. The transition lasted until 1982 and included legalizing political parties, holding free and fair elections, implementing a new constitution, and crafting an economic reform package.
Hoping to unite all Spaniards and facilitate a successful transition to democracy, the King formed a group of officials from all points of the political spectrum to work together and craft a new constitution for the nation. Under the Spanish Constitution of 1978, Spain became a parliamentary monarchy with a bicameral legislature (Markham 1978). To move away from the governing structure of the Franco regime, the Constitution explicitly keeps the Church and military out of policy-making positions (Adaş 2019, 9). Another change the Constitution made was in the governing structure of the nation as a whole. Recognizing that the hyper-centralized government of Franco did not work, the framers laid the foundation for the Law of Autonomous Communities.
This part of the Constitution allows for different regions of Spain to have a degree of self-governing powers as an “autonomous community.” Each autonomous community has a Statute of Autonomy which grants limited autonomy to the regions and functions as the doctrine that outlines the laws and functions of its specific community. The goal of this system was to tame conflict between regional nationalist movements, and those who preferred a centralized administration. The two different conceptions of Spain- the idea of an indivisible nation-state and the idea of Spain as an ensemble of diverse people, ethnicities, and regions- were given representation in the document. The result was an “open model of decentralization” leading to 17 autonomous communities, each with governing power and jurisdiction over education, public works, health, social services, and more (Moreno 2001, 61). The regions of Catalonia, Basque Country, and Galicia were recognized as “historic nationalities” in the Constitution due to the distinct ethnic, cultural, and linguistic histories of the regions (Maciejewski 2024). The government was formed in this way because policymakers felt like a compromise was the only way to peacefully move forward as a nation after the long traumatic period of autocracy.
Spain’s transition to democracy was internationally validated when it joined the European Community in 1986. The country had tried to join twice- once under Franco and once during the transition- but for political and economic reasons (respectively) they were denied entry. Their granted membership was a symbol of the success of the transition and economic investment in that trade routes and partners became readily available to the country. Political leaders maintained that membership in what would eventually become the European Union was essential in ensuring a successful consolidation of a European-style democracy.
The amnesty laws and unofficial pacts were a key feature of Spain’s transition to democracy. To realize desires to heal a divided nation, move forward, and minimize tensions, the government passed amnesty laws pardoning actors on both sides of the political spectrum and pledging to not speak of the Civil War and regime. It was believed that if the atrocities were removed from discussion, they’d be eventually forgotten and there would be no reason for tension between groups, parties, regions, and neighbors to prevail. The transition was successful in many ways, often referenced by scholars as the most peaceful transition to democracy by any country. Nonetheless, the failure to acknowledge the horrors of the Civil War and the period of Franco’s rule has left a profound mark on the nation.
Figure 7: Map of the Iberian Peninsula during Roman times.
Figure 7: Map of the Iberian Peninsula during Roman times.
Figure 8: Map of the Iberian Peninsula under Muslim rule.
Figure 8: Map of the Iberian Peninsula under Muslim rule.
Figure 9: Map of the Iberian Peninsula under the rule of Catholic monarchs.
Figure 9: Map of the Iberian Peninsula under the rule of Catholic monarchs.
Existing Scholarship
Currently, there is substantial scholarship on the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Franco’s regime, and Spain's transition to democracy. However, limited research focuses on the national memory movement in Spain or connects the traumas of the 20th century to contemporary societal divisions. Much of the material I found discussing Franco’s legacy in modern Spain came from news articles or dissertations. Frustrated by the lack of a cohesive source linking Spain's current socio-political divisions to Franco’s rule, I aimed to fill that gap in this project. Paul Preston’s writings were particularly helpful to this project, as his book examines how Spain’s history of corruption and fragmentation continues to shape the country today. However, Preston’s work largely focuses on political corruption and provides less emphasis on the national memory movement. To fill this gap, I turned to sources such as Carolyn Boyd’s The Politics of History and Memory in Democratic Spain and Marije Hristova’s The Struggle for Historical Memory in Spain to incorporate an academic perspective that complemented the news articles I explored. In many of the sources I consulted, the terms historical memory and national memory were used interchangeably. For this reason, I applied both terms throughout my paper. The two terms, although similar, differ in scope. Historical memory refers to the collective memories of a specific group, such as Catalonians, whereas national memory pertains to the shared memory of an entire nation. National memory is often shaped by political forces, as it reflects a nation’s collective understanding of its past. Ultimately, national memory is a part of historical memory, which explains why the terms are frequently used in similar contexts. This paper aims to clearly define the divisions within Spain today and establish a direct connection between these divisions and either Franco’s rule or Spain’s transition to democracy.
Spain in the 21st Century: Divisions and National Disconnect
Spain’s history of division, especially along political and regional lines, influences its national identity and unity today. As shown in the images presented, Spain has long been a divided country. Whether it be during the Roman Empire, when the Muslims ruled the peninsula, or when the Catholic Monarchs had control, Spain has always been ruled by multiple leaders. Over time, regions began to develop their languages or dialects, customs, traditions, and understanding of the world.
The forced centralization of the Franco regime exacerbated these divisions and cut deep wounds that create a polarized society today. Suppressing regional identities only prompted groups to treasure their identities more. Persistent ideological divisions along with tensions between central and regional governments exacerbate national disconnect. These divisions delay the possibility of reconciliation of the nation’s historical memory and direction forward. Within the autonomous community system, there is a lack of communication and cooperation between governments. An imbalance of power described as “asymmetrical federalism” also reigns. When outlined in the Constitution, the role of autonomous communities as governing bodies was ambiguous. As a consequence, regional governments have grown in power since the 1980s resulting in an imbalanced power dynamic. In 1981, 87.3% of public expenditures went to the federal government and 3% went to regional governments. Almost 20 years later in 1999, 54% went to the federal government while regional governments received 33% (Seoane 2004). The change in the allocation of money can be representative of the shift in power dynamics and show how over time the regional governments have gained power and local influence. As the right to self-government has increased in some of these communities, so have their demands for further autonomy and recognition of their respective communities. The rigid centralism of Franco and its cruel application left more powerful nationalist movements than had ever existed before 1936. The two strongest nationalist movements are those of the regions Catalonia and the Basque Country.
Independence Movements
Since the return to democracy, the Catalan identity has been actively promoted by the regional government, with cultural traditions being revived and the Catalan language restored as both the dominant language and a cornerstone of Catalan identity. The Catalonian independence movement can be traced back to the mid-19th century but saw a resurgence after Franco’s reign. The movement reached its peak in the 2010s with an illegally called independence referendum in 2017. Those who opposed Catalonian separatism boycotted the election, therefore the results were skewed in favor of those who favored independence. Then, in October 2017, an illegal declaration of independence was made by the regional government. During the weeks surrounding the referendum and call to independence, federal authorities were sent to Catalonia and utilized forceful, violent methods in an attempt to stop the vote. Major companies changed their headquarters to other cities in Spain, and most European leaders criticized the vote. Eventually, the chaos died down following the federal court's declaration of the illegality of the vote (Alandete 2017). In 2018, independence leaders were tried by the Supreme Court of Spain and sentenced to prison on accusations of rebellion, disobedience, and misuse of public funds. Since 2019, the independence movement has lost traction and the 2024 election is the first since 1980 in which the parties opposing Catalan independence received the popular vote- 54% of candidates being from non-separatist parties. Although support for independence has decreased, falling from 49% in 2017 to 30% by 2024 (Ramírez 2024), Catalonians still tend to identify with their Catalan identity before their Spanish, which is the case in most regions, however to a greater extent in Catalonia. In my experience, Spaniards raised outside of Catalonia tend to have a distaste for Catalonians due to their extreme separatist movement. When I visited my aunts and uncles in the north of Spain, we ran into some of their friends, one of whom had to travel to Barcelona for work soon. Upon hearing this, the rest of the adults in the group scoffed, or chuckled; all making comments criticizing Catalonia. I then asked if some of them had been to the region, and my aunt and uncle responded saying that they would never go. This sentiment is shared with most right-leaning and moderate Spaniards. Another way mutual anti-Catalonian sentiment manifests itself is in the sports world. I had the good fortune to be in Spain for a Real Madrid vs. FC Barcelona game. The only supporters of Barcelona in the bars and streets of Salamanca were the British and Irish students on exchange. It seems like a fair amount of the Catalan condemnation is a subconscious "joining the trend" by Spaniards who do not have extensive knowledge or care for the situation. Regardless, these cases are reminiscent of indicative of divisions within the country.
Figure 11: Infographic that explains the Catalonian Independence Movement.
Figure 11: Infographic that explains the Catalonian Independence Movement.
The Basque Country is in the north of Spain, located in the western Pyrenees Mountains, France on the east, and the Bay of Biscay to the north. The Basque Independence movement goes back to the 19th century when the central government in Madrid attempted to centralize the nation under the Catholic Church and the Basque Country resisted. Continuing into the 20th century, in response to Franco’s repressive rule, an organization nicknamed “ETA” (translated from the Basque language to “Basque Homeland and Liberty”) formed in 1959 and began to wage a violent struggle against the regime. The organization was established on the belief that violent action against those in power would help realize Basque independence and secession from Spain. In 1968 the group killed 4 officials who worked for Franco, and in the early 1970s, they assassinated Luis Carrero Blanco, Franco’s intended successor and Prime Minister. ETA continued functioning as an organization even after the 1978 Constitution and autonomous community compromise. Their agenda shifted from responding to Franco to implementing full autonomy of the region. From 1978 to 1980, they killed 235 individuals and inserted themselves into all parts of society like education, media, and culture through interaction with political parties and high-level officials. The threat remained serious throughout the 1980s so in response to the violence of the organization, the Spanish government passed the Antiterrorism Act of 1984 declaring terrorism illegal which allowed the central government to take action against ETA. During the late 1980s, pacts were signed by political parties in the Basque Country declaring ETA an illegal organization and labeling them as terrorists. By 2010, due to international and domestic pressure, ETA agreed to a lasting ceasefire and disbanded in 2018. In 2013 a grassroots movement on Basque autonomy emerged. This signified a shift from violent nationalism to peaceful nationalism, with campaigns such as the “human chain” to peacefully advocate the Basque desire for autonomy.
Figure 12: Basque grassroots organization peacefully advocating for representation in government.
Figure 12: Basque grassroots organization peacefully advocating for representation in government.
Today, the Basque government has a working relationship with the central government in Spain “as political considerations now take precedence over solely nationalistic goals” (Gimpel 2023).
Political Polarization
Political polarization in Spain has left a deep rift in the government and is one of the most damaging legacies of Francoism. The ideologies of the right-wing parties are to defend the monarchy, the Church, and the unity of Spain while the left-wing parties focus on addressing inequality in the nation and supporting regions seeking increased autonomy. The two traditional parties, the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE ) and Partido Popular (PP) are each supported by more extreme forces that push their agendas in government.
Figure 13: Breakdown of the 2023 general election results for the Spanish House of Representatives.
Figure 13: Breakdown of the 2023 general election results for the Spanish House of Representatives.
Vox, Spain’s extreme far-right political party, shares ideals with the PP and has rapidly grown in influence, reflecting the global rise of right-wing populism. Polling at around 20% as of April 2022, Vox presents itself as a defender of Spanish nationalism and tradition and opposes feminism, LGBTQ+ rights, immigration, and European integration (Parker 2022). Its rhetoric includes slogans like "Spaniards first," which acknowledge economic anxieties and weaponize such anxieties into hostility toward migrants, minorities, and tourists. Although Vox avoids direct association with Francisco Franco, its leadership's symbolism and statements often echo Francoist ideals. This includes affiliations with pro-Franco organizations and a dismissive stance toward the historical memory movement. This rejection of efforts to confront Spain’s authoritarian past has deepened political and social divisions, with critics regarding the party as an instrument for continuing the cultural and political legacies of the dictatorship. Vox’s rise has fractured Spain's political landscape, as it was polled as the third-largest party after the 2019 elections, reigniting debates about national identity, democracy, and historical accountability (Ferrándiz 2022, 15). This deepening divide shows the challenges of achieving unity in a country when the legacies of its authoritarian past remain unresolved. The struggle between preserving national unity and addressing demands from left and right parties continues to fragment Spain’s political spectrum. The rise of extreme parties like Vox exacerbates these divisions and brings to light the enduring impact of Francosim on modern politics.
The divisions in Spain’s national and regional identity highlight the difficulty of reconciling its authoritarian past with a democratic present. Spain continues to navigate a complex political landscape as demands for regional autonomy persist and polarizing political movements are on the rise. The enduring struggles between centralism and decentralization, nationalism and pluralism, as well as left- and right-wing ideologies, illustrate the deep fractures that prevent unity. Without addressing these historical and modern divisions constructively, the path toward a cohesive national identity remains rocky.
National Memory: A Double-Edged Sword
The discussion of historical memory in Spain addresses the traumatic period of the Civil War and Francoism, and the silenced memories of the victims of this period (Hristova n.d.). According to Carolyn P. Boyd of UC Irvine, “memory is the process by which people construct personal narratives supportive of identities of the present,” and “without memory [...] individuals and groups can neither make sense of their current existence nor plot their futures.” The culture of silence in Spain surrounding the Civil War and Francoist Spain has hindered the nation's capacity to form a complete memory of its history. The concept of national memory holds the power to heal the nation or divide it.
Since the beginning of the 21st century, national memory has been a highly contentious topic of discussion in Spanish politics due to the Pact of Forgetting and the clash between groups who hope to recognize the victims of this period and groups who hope to just "leave the past in the past." The historical memory movement is an active attempt at recovering the dignity and memory of the victims of Franco. Left-leaning political parties and activists advocate for national memory laws while right-wing parties actively fight to make those laws meaningless. Often, autonomous communities in which right-wing parties have the power will limit recognition and funding for national memory laws.
An important aspect of honoring national memory in Spain involves the exhumation of mass graves from the Civil War and the following years. These exhumations are an effort by Spaniards to recover and identify the remains of the victims of the Civil War and the dictatorship. The public uncovering of mass graves, remnants of the devastating legacies of war and violence, brings to light heartbreaking stories that were long silenced or shared only in private. These discoveries ignite intense social debates, challenging dominant narratives of a painful past and sparking controversies over the politics of victimhood and accountability (Ferrándiz 2006). The exact number of mass graves is uncertain however as of 2014, the number was estimated to be over 2000 (Aguilera 2016). The present struggle for victim recovery began with the exhumation in 2000 of the “Priaranza del Bierzo,” promoted by Emilio Silva, the grandson of a victim. Silva hoped to find and uncover the remains of his grandfather and in an attempt to increase awareness of this issue published an article titled “My grandfather was also a disappeared person.” His rhetoric in using the word “disappeared” put the victims in a transnational discussion of human rights and justice.
Following the first exhumation, an activist movement was born uniting people in similar positions hoping to uncover the truth of what happened to their loved ones. Organizations such as the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory and private donors organize and fund exhumations, advocate for justice and policy changes, and conduct educational outreach to the public. The Historical Memory Law of 2007 was passed under the liberal government of José Zapatero, whose objective was to recognize and broaden the rights of victims, promote reparation, recover family memory, and encourage education and public awareness of the Franco era. The law proposed to remove symbols of fascism and Francoism from public spaces and gave citizenship to children of exiles however it was widely considered insufficient in that it did not provide government funding for exhumations but delegated the responsibility and initiative to organizations and families. While certain groups campaigned for more action from the law, conservatives banded together arguing it reopened unnecessary wounds and politicized history. When Mariano Rajoy (PP) took power in 2011, funding for the law was repealed and recognition of the law became virtually nothing. Pedro Sánchez of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) became Prime Minister in 2018 and entered office with the intent of expanding the government’s role in bolstering the national memory movement. The new Democratic Memory Law was then born and went into effect in October of 2022, taking further steps to condemn the repressions of the Franco regime.
One of the primary successes of the law is that the state claimed responsibility for funding the exhumations of the mass graves. This was a significant step in that it signified to the nation that victim recognition is not just the responsibility of the families, but a united national effort. Also under this legislation, Franco’s body was removed from the Valley of the Fallen and relocated to a private burial location. The Valley of the Fallen is the largest mass grave of the Spanish Civil War and a very controversial symbol of Francoism. The monument’s construction was ordered by Franco, and carried out by Republican prisoners, forced into manual labor. Nationalist and Republican soldiers are both buried at this site, and many Republicans were interred without the knowledge or consent of their families. It had often been used as a meeting site for Franco sympathizers to meet and rally in support of Francoist ideals; however, since the 2007 memory law, political rallies in celebration of Franco have since been banned (Faber 2020). The monument still held symbolic significance to Francoist supporters and sympathizers. As a consequence, Franco’s exhumation in 2019 from the grave was an effort to remove the symbolism associated with the monument and create a civil cemetery site that honored all victims of the Civil War.
The effort on the part of Spanish citizens and the government to prevent rituals and celebratory displays of support for Franco is partly because Spain never experienced a de-fascism process like Hitler’s Germany or Mussolini’s Italy. After the defeat of Nazi Germany, external forces took to prosecuting Nazi officials and removing Nazism from public life. Since its defeat in WWII, Germany has actively confronted its past and made attempts at reconciliation through education, policies, and relations with other nations. Germany has used sites of Nazi crimes as learning tools and visible reminders of atrocities committed and most Germans today see WWII through a lens of guilt, responsibility, and atonement (Grieshaber 2019). Yes, there are always small groups of Nazi sympathizers, but sympathy in Germany for Hitler would never reach what it is in Spain for Franco. The Amnesty Laws and the culture of silence in Spain after Franco’s death are directly responsible for the lack of atonement. The ongoing struggle to address the legacy of the Civil War and Franco's dictatorship shows the challenges of reckoning with a painful past. Efforts such as exhuming mass graves, passing memory laws, and reshaping historical monuments are steps toward justice and collective healing, yet political and social divides persist. Spain's "Pact of Forgetting" delayed a full reckoning, leaving the wounds of its past more visible. As Spain continues its journey toward honoring its national memory, the balance between justice and unity remains fragile, illustrating the complexities of reconciling history with the present.
Figure 14: Map of all known mass graves in Spain.
Figure 14: Map of all known mass graves in Spain.
Figure 15: Collection of testimonies on life under Franco's regime. Report by Pol Thomas for La Oveja Roja Barcelona.
Healing the Nation: The Path Forward
Healing a divided Spain requires a deliberate, delicate, and multifaceted approach to confronting the painful legacies of the Spanish Civil War and Franco’s dictatorship. The path forward is dependent upon the collective acknowledgment of national memory, essential for fostering historical justice and reconciliation. The recognition of truth – understanding the cruelty that characterized Franco’s rule– is central to this process, as is also the efforts to give victims and their families the dignity they were denied.
Symbolic acts, such as exhuming mass graves, returning stolen assets, and providing proper burials for the victims of the Civil War, play a crucial role in acknowledging these past injustices. These actions help to restore the humanity of the forgotten and give their families a chance to properly honor their memory, which can be a crucial step in the healing process. These symbolic acts need to be complemented by concrete efforts aimed at fostering discourse and understanding across generations and regions.
Attempting to placate Spain’s historical political division, particularly between the central government and regional identities like Catalonia and the Basque Country, requires creating spaces for cross-regional and multi-generational dialogue. Such spaces in politics, education, religion, and greater society allow different communities to confront their shared history, voice their grievances, and engage in a process of collective healing. Through this dialogue, understanding and consensus can be reached and a balance between regional autonomy and shared national identity can become possible. Ensuring that no region feels marginalized while also fostering a sense of unity across Spain’s diverse cultures and histories is possible through political and social channels.
Furthermore, regional autonomy, while crucial for honoring the unique identities of areas like Catalonia, the Basque Country, and Galicia, must be framed within a broader national context that ensures national unity and a commitment to democratic values. This delicate balance is not easily achieved, but Spain must overcome its past divisions and move toward a future based on understanding and respect for all its citizens. Acknowledging national memory does more than just honor the past—it paves the way for empathy, dialogue, and reconciliation, providing a foundation for a more inclusive, democratic Spain. It is through these efforts that Spain can heal its divisions, confronting the painful legacies of its history while working toward a unified future where all voices are heard and valued.
Bibliography
Adaş, Sündüs. "Transition to Democracy in Spain." Iğdır Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi 2019, no. 4: 1–16. https://www.acarindex.com/pdfs/1158965.
Aguilera, Hector-David., Fernández-Álvarez, José-Paulino., Martínez-Velasco, Antxoka., Pringle, Jamie., and Rubio-Melendi, David. “Discovery of a mass grave from the Spanish Civil War using Ground Penetrating Radar and forensic archeology.” Forensic Science International (October 2016): e10-e17. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.forsciint.2016.05.040
Aguilar-Criddo, Encarnación, Ana Melis Maynar, and Carles Feixa Pàmpols. "Anthropology in Spain: Past and Present." Journal of Mediterranean Studies 7, no. 2 (1997): 169-179.
Alandete, David. “Independence in Catalonia – now what?” El País. October 10, 2017. https://english.elpais.com/elpais/2017/10/10/inenglish/1507636762_251450.html
Bander, Lea. “Censorship and dissent under the Franco dictatorship.” Catalan News. January 21, 2024. https://www.catalannews.com/in-depth/item/censorship-and-dissent-under-the-franco-dictatorship
Boyd, Carolyn. “The Politics of History and Memory in Democratic Spain.” The ANNALS of The American Academy of Political and Social Science. 617, no. 1 (May 2008): 133-148. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716207312760open_in_new
Bregolat, Eugenio. "Spain's Transition to Democracy." SAIS Review 19, no. 2 (1999): 149-155. https://dx-doi-org.proxy.binghamton.edu/10.1353/sais.1999.0029.
Conroy, Abigail. “What is Past is Present: How “Forgetting” in Spain and the United States Has Caused Past Problems to Persist.” Fordham Research Commons (2021) https://research.library.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1062&context=international_senior.
Dowling, Andrew. “Prohibition, Tolerance, Co-Option: Cultural Appropriation and Francoism in Catalonia, 1939–1975.” Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (2018): 370–386. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0960777318000334.
Encarnación Aguilar-Criddo, Ana Melis Maynar, and Carles Feixa Pàmpols, "Anthropology in Spain: Past and Present," Journal of Mediterranean Studies 7, no. 2 (1997): 169–179.
Faber, Sebastiaan and Gilmartin, Eoghan. “Spain’s New Memory Law Will Finally Recognize Franco’s Victims.” Jacobin. October 4, 2020. https://jacobin.com/2020/10/historical-memory-law-franco-spain-victims
Ferrándiz, Francisco. “Francisco Franco Is Back: The Contested Reemergence of a Fascist Moral Exemplar.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 64, no. 1 (January 2022): pp. 208-237 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S001041752100044X
Ferrándiz, Francisco. "The return of Civil War ghosts: The ethnography of exhumations in contemporary Spain." Anthropology Today 22, no. 3 (2006): 7-12.
Gimpel, Alexandra. “ETA, Basque Autonomy, and Constitutional Reforms: Tracing the Path to Independence.” Arcadia. September 27, 2023. https://www.byarcadia.org/post/eta-basque-autonomy-and-constitutional-reforms-tracing-the-path-to-autonomy
Grieshaber, Kirsten and Rising, David. “How modern Germany feels about D-Day and Hitler’s defeat.” Global News. June 6, 2019. https://globalnews.ca/news/5361757/how-germany-feels-about-d-day/
Hristova, Marije. “The struggle for historical memory in Spain: beyond genealogy and generations.” International Catalan Institute for Peace. (n.d.) https://www.icip.cat/perlapau/en/article/the-struggle-for-historical-memory-in-spain-beyond-genealogy-and-generations/
Ley 20/2022, de 19 de octubre, de Memoria Democrática. Boletín Oficial del Estado (BOE) no. 253 (2022). https://www.boe.es/buscar/doc.php?id=BOE-A-2022-17535.
Llobera, Josep R. Foundations of National Identity: From Catalonia to Europe. New York: Berghahn Books, 2004. https://doi.org/10.3167/9781571816122.
Maciejewski Cortez, Alison. “All about the 17 autonomous communities of Spain.” Lingoda. October 16, 2024. https://www.lingoda.com/blog/en/17-autonomous-communities-spain/
Markham, James. “KING OF SPAIN SIGNS A NEW CONSTITUTION.” The New York Times. December 28, 1978. https://www.nytimes.com/1978/12/28/archives/king-of-spain-signs-a-new-constitution-monarch-in-speech-to.html
Mir, Conxita. “The Francoist Repression in the Catalan Countries.” Catalan Historical Review 1 (2008): 133–147. https://doi.org/10.2436/20.1000.01.9.
Moreno, Luis. The Federalization of Spain. 1st ed. London: Routledge, 2001. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315038711
Parker, Jonathan. “Why Spanish Politics is Becoming More Polarised.” The Political Quarterly. May 3, 2022. https://politicalquarterly.org.uk/blog/why-spanish-politics-is-becoming-more-polarised/
“Postwar trials and denazification.” The Weiner Holocaust Library. (n.d.) https://www.theholocaustexplained.org/survival-and-legacy/postwar-trials-and-denazification/de-nazification/
Powell, Charles. “The Long Road to Europe: Spain and the European Community, 1957-1986.” Elcano Royal Institute, (June 2015): https://charlespowell.eu/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/DT9-2015-Powell-Long-Road-Europe-Spain-European-Community-1957-1986.pdf
Preston, Paul. A People Betrayed: A History of Corruption, Political Incompetence, and Social Division in Modern Spain, 1874–2018. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhac246​:contentReference[oaicite:0]{index=0}​:contentReference[oaicite:1]{index=1}.
Preston, Paul. “Spain feels Franco’s legacy 40 years after his death.” BBC News. November 20, 2015. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34844939.
Ramírez, Maria. “Catalans once longed for freedom from Spain. Now that doesn’t look so appealing.” The Guardian. May 16, 2024. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/article/2024/may/16/catalan-catalonia-spain-independence-voters-separatist
Salsench, Samantha. “Francoism Facing Justice: Enforced Disappearances before Spanish Courts.” Journal of International Criminal Justice 11, no. 2 (April 2013): 463-483. https://doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqt012
Scottie, Freddie. “An unresolved past- the Spanish Catholic Church and Franco’s regime.” European Academy on Religion and Society. January 21, 2022. https://europeanacademyofreligionandsociety.com/news/an-unresolved-past-the-spanish-catholic-church-and-francos-regime/
Seoane, Susana Sueiro. "Spain during the Transition from Dictatorship to Democracy." Contemporary European History 13, no. 3 (August 2004): 367-374. https://doi.org/10.1017/S096077730400178X​:contentReference[oaicite:0]{index=0}​:contentReference[oaicite:1]{index=1}.
Spanish Congress. Ley 52/2007, de 26 de diciembre, por la que se reconocen y amplían derechos y se establecen medidas en favor de quienes padecieron persecución o violencia durante la guerra civil y la dictadura. Boletín Oficial del Estado, no. 310 (December 27, 2007). https://www.boe.es/buscar/doc.php?id=BOE-A-2007-22026.
St. Lawrence University. "Historical Memory." Center for International and Intercultural Studies. Accessed December 11, 2024. https://www.stlawu.edu/offices/ciis/historical-memory.
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, DC. “Spanish Civil War” United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. N.d. https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/spanish-civil-war#:~:text=Following%20the%20German%20defeat%20of,them%20died%20in%20the%20camp.
Mediography
Figure 1: Del Pozo, Oscar. Thousands have joined protests called by the center-right Partido Popular [Photograph]. AFP. https://www.politico.eu/article/spanish-turmoil-hits-eu-stage-as-pm-sanchezs-camp-trades-blows-with-conservatives/
Figure 2: (1938). Francisco Franco, centre, attends the second anniversary of the death of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the founder of the Spanish rightwing movement La Falange, in Burgos, Spain [Photograph]. AP. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/dec/15/us-far-right-francisco-franco-spanish-civil-war
Figure 3: The Leftist: the marksman covers all garments to better kill in the shade. Let’s exterminate him! [Poster]. Goldfarb Library, Brandeis University. https://historiana.eu/historical-content/source-collections/the-spanish-civil-war-in-posters
Figure 4: General Franco making a speech to residents in the recently captured Catalan city of Tarragona. [Photograph]. Getty images. https://pursuit.unimelb.edu.au/articles/what-history-tells-us-about-catalonian-independence
Figure 5: Rtv.alhama. (March 17, 2018). NoDo 957A, 8-mayo-1961 [Video]. Youtube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n21fLPbhV3o
Figure 6: Soriano, Javier. (2015). Demonstrators hold up photographs of victims of Francoism during a demonstration in Madrid on November 22, 2015 [Photograph]. AFP. https://www.justiceinfo.net/en/109817-democratising-decolonising-spain-limits-new-law-memory.html
Figure 7: Roman Hispania [Map]. https://www.slideshare.net/slideshow/roman-hispania/27021676
Figure 8: Tyk. Taifa Kingdoms circa 1080 [Map]. Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Reinos_de_Taifas_en_1080.svg
Figure 9: Vigo, Alexandre. (2009). Catholic Monarch Territories 1500 [Map]. Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Catholic_monarch_territories-1500.jpg
Figure 10: Political Map of Spain [Map]. Nations Online Project. https://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/map/spain_map.htm#google_vignette
Figure 11: DiCocco, Adriana. (2024). Infographic on Catalonian Independence Movement [Graphic].
Figure 12: Gure Esku Dago, Basque grassroots organization forms a human chain advocating for representation in government [Photograph]. Gara. https://www.naiz.eus/en/hemeroteca/gara/editions/gara_2014-09-28-07-00/hemeroteca_articles/gure-esku-dago-define-tres-fases-para-llegar-a-ejercer-el-derecho-a-decidir?slug=gure-esku-dago-define-tres-fases-para-llegar-a-ejercer-el-derecho-a-decidir
Figure 13: (2023). Results of the general elections to the Spanish House of Representatives [Graph]. Epdata https://criminologorauldelgado.wordpress.com/tag/elecciones-2/
Figure 14: Wpkurtz. Virtual Cartographies: Visualizing Mass Grave Recovery in Contemporary Spain. https://umap.openstreetmap.fr/en/map/virtual-cartographies-visualizing-mass-grave-recov_97719#8/42.302/-6.996
Figure 15: Syntagma TV. (April 29, 2015). Testimonios del régimen franquista [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GhwX80mjwVI
Figure 16: DiCocco, Adriana. (2024). View of Spanish Royal Palace in February from la Catedral de La Almudena [Photograph]
Built with Shorthand
